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Edited by Clarice Agostini



Note that the information, views and opinions set out in the newsletter are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinion or position of the editors, of the European Student ThinkTank, and of their affiliated-entities or institutions.







The Siege is over but not War: The fall of el-Fasher

By Romane

The siege of el-Fasher. The Rapid Support Forces (RSF) have taken el-Fasher after an 18-month siege. The paramilitary group redoubled efforts to control the city after their expulsion from Sudan's capital Khartoum in March. At war with the national army since 2023, the Forces built walls around the city’s 260,000 civilians and blocked food from entering, while their drones struck markets, hospitals, refugee camps and homes.



Satellite images show bloodstains on the ground. The WHO reports that the RSF killed 460 people in a hospital. The UN says hundreds of civilians and unarmed fighters were raped or executed while trying to escape the city, with evidence of ethnically targeted violence. In fact, the RSF descends from the Arab Janjaweed militias responsible for the Darfur genocide 20 years ago, when hundreds of thousands of black Africans were chased from their lands.



Foreign powers are accused of enabling the RSF’s rise. "We had known for a long time that it could happen. By being content to issue ineffective statements, Western states [...] have shown culpable indifference," affirmed a Western diplomat contacted by le Monde. The EU sent millions of euros to Sudan to curb migration, putting border policing under the RSF’s control. Military equipment from Britain, Canada and elsewhere has been found on Sudanese battlefields. Diplomats, analysts and satellite images say the UAE sent arms shipments to Sudan. Abu Dhabi denies backing the RSF.





UN Security Council endorses Morocco’s Autonomy Plan for Western Sahara

By Laura

A basis for Western Sahara negotiations. On 31 October, the UN Security Council renewed the mandate of the UN Peacekeeping Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO), adopting a resolution that refers to Morocco’s Autonomy Plan on the Western Sahara as a “basis for negotiations” and recognising that “genuine autonomy could represent a most feasible outcome”. This is the first time the Council explicitly considers Morocco’s autonomy proposal as a roadmap for resolving a conflict which dates back more than 50 years.



A US-backed motion shifted the diplomatic balance. To date, MINURSO was assigned to hold a referendum to allow the Sahrawi people to choose between independence and integration with Morocco. In fact, the UN General Assembly and UN Secretary General have historically reaffirmed the Saharawis’ right to self-determination. Why is the UN now endorsing the Moroccan plan which promotes an autonomic status under Moroccan sovereignty? The change in tone followed a draft resolution promoted by the United States, favoring Morocco’s Autonomy Plan for the disputed territory. The motion passed with 11 votes in favor, with Russia, China and Pakistan abstained, and Algeria not participating. This move follows the U.S. increasing support to Morocco’s position, since the African country announced its intention to open a consulate in Western Sahara in 2021.



Morocco’s race for diplomatic influence. For years, Morocco has been working on a diplomatic strategy aimed at gaining support for its Autonomy Plan from other countries, such as France, Spain, and other Arab states. Resolution 2797, therefore, was hailed as a major diplomatic success, with King Mohamed VI declaring a national holiday on 31 October, calling it “Unity Day”.





Nigeria’s Religious Violence: Abuja Rejects U.S. Threats over Christian Killings

By Jordi

The Nigerian government denies accusations. “We refuse to be labeled as a country at war with its Christians,” declared Nigeria’s Minister of Information this week, following global outrage over recent attacks that left dozens dead on Christian-majority villages in Plateau and Benue States. The government insists the violence is part of wider inter-communal and extremist conflicts that have also claimed Muslim lives, where ownership patterns overlap.



Trump’s comments triggered a new diplomatic rift. Tensions deepened after U.S. president Donald Trump threatened to “use force to protect Nigerian Christians”, accusing Abuja of turning a blind eye to “religious genocide". Nigeria condemned the comments as “reckless interference in the affairs of a sovereign African nation”. While Washington distanced itself from Trump, U.S. lawmakers have urged a review of Nigeria’s human-rights record.



Military action alone cannot resolve the crisis. Army Chief General Taoreed Lagbaja pledged to “crush insurgents and criminal gangs” as operations expanded across the Middle Belt. Yet analysts warn that without tackling poverty, climate stress, proliferation of arms, land conflicts, and governance failures, military action alone will not end the crisis. As protests and social-media campaigns such as #StopTheKillings spread, Nigeria faces the twin test of protecting all citizens while defending its sovereignty amid international scrutiny.





Has the World’s Neglect Reawakened the Islamic State in Syria?

By Beyza



A Resurge in Northeast Syria. Once thought defeated, the Islamic State (IS) is regaining ground in Syria’s Deir ez-Zor region, a vast desert province with a predominantly Arab population that was once one of the group’s strongholds. Over the past two months, the IS has carried out dozens of attacks against the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), exploiting a growing security vacuum in the region. Locals describe an atmosphere of fear reminiscent of the years before the group’s territorial collapse in 2019.



Power vacuum and fading international presence. Shifting alliances and the fragmentation of external interventions have created conditions for jihadist resurgence. IS’s return coincides with the gradual withdrawal of U.S. troops from northeastern Syria, whose patrols once helped contain extremist activity. As American forces consolidate into fewer bases, IS fighters have quietly rebuilt networks in sparsely populated areas along the Euphrates River. The SDF’s strained relations with local communities, compounded by heavy-handed security operations, have deepened anti-Kurdish resentment and undermined local trust. This erosion of legitimacy has allowed IS to recruit among disillusioned civilians. Meanwhile, the departure of Iranian-backed militias and remnants of the previous regime left behind weapons depots, including heavy arms such as rockets. This influx of cheap, powerful weaponry has given IS and other militant groups new operational capacity. At the same time, the Assad regime’s collapse and shifting military focus toward Turkish-backed militias weakened the collective fight against IS.



Changed methods, same roots of instability. The IS has adapted its tactics, operating through small, autonomous cells that use pseudonyms and motorcycles to conduct targeted attacks, mostly against SDF officers. The group’s use of remote-controlled improvised explosive devices, supplied by factions in Damascus-controlled areas, reflects a shift toward more coordinated and technologically sophisticated ambushes. Despite a March 10 agreement to unify Kurdish and Syrian institutions, the lack of genuine cooperation has enabled IS to exploit political fractures and social exhaustion. In conservative regions like Deir ez-Zor, where economic hardship and mistrust of Kurdish forces remain, the group’s return is not merely a military phenomenon: it also implies a symptom of unaddressed inequality, failed governance, and the persisting vacuum left by a decade of foreign intervention.



Regional implications. IS’s renewed presence in Syria’s northeast underscores the fragility of regional security and the failure of fragmented interventionism. As long as intervening powers prioritize short-term influence over long-term reconstruction and political inclusion, the conditions that nurture extremism will persist beneath the surface.